C.R. Bradley selected several African American parent groups to research in hopes of finding the meaning behind different styles of disciplinary practice. Bradley searches out the contexts that prompt these strategies and remarks on their adaptability. Explaining what parenting groups she selected and why they were helpful in showing cultural differences in parenting in turn helps focus our understanding of cultural differences and stereotypes that may exist concerning those differences. I have chosen as a contrast the treatment of children in the Philippines to illustrate how context and culture do repair to perennial concerns about children, their capacity to survive as well as their safety, while some disciplinary measures imperil what they usually intend, contradicting parental notions of best doctrine. Significant issues pertaining to individuals affected by these studies also express a shadow within cultural contests between authoritarian modes against progressive norms. Whether the family is a microcosm of their landscape in the village while beyond the scope of a study like this, nevertheless invites commentary informed by Bradley’s findings, as this reader will show.

Bradley’s goal is to facilitate discussion and provide advisory to counselors. In order to be effective she had to surmount some pre-existing discrepancies from prior studies that tended to focus on black women living below the poverty line and establish generalities from these norms for that socioeconomic status about others different in SES and gender. Instead, Bradley chose persons living above the poverty line, over a third of them men, and established the circumstances under which they resorted to various form of firm discipline with their children. In the course of her study she provides a glimpse into parallel narrative of great significance affecting the cultural context of her study group which lends itself to the difficult problem of cross-cultural psychology in the immediate historical juncture, affecting our locality, as well as our society and future. To show this potential in the work of Bradley, and to comment upon Black Lives Matter, I chose as a reference frame both a parallel narrative that Bradley’s work lends itself to without undue manipulation, and also compared her study with Parenting Attributions and Attitudes in Diverse Cultural Contexts (J. Lansford, M. Bornstein, 2011) a section on treatment of children in the Philippines, for the very good reason that it is a society profoundly at risk in a way that is contagious to our own.

Bradley provides a key dichotomy in her text, that of authoritarian upbringing in contrast and competition with the progressive, attributing the progressive model to European sensibilities that guide case management. Bradley’s most significant contribution pertains to the fishing hook that captures anomaly in counseling settings, but steers clear of pursuing it as a theme, a fact I will attend to. The anomaly that concerns this reader in C.R. Bradley is one that parallels a binary narrative I introduce in answering Black Lives Matter without disrupting and obstructing differentiation between Bradley’s example and my own. The parallel between them comes full circle in the perverse cross-cultural comparison with Duterte’s new Filipino society and the plight of children and those engaged in child-raising there. The outcome is direly needed awareness concerning Black Lives Matter as a function of the Trump society we occupy.

In the text, Introduction to Research Methods: Lifespan Developmental Psychology by the triumvirat Baltes, Reese and Nesselroade, they caution gamely on the problem of cross-cultural and comparative developmental psychology. One of their comments is particularly keen, “As the precision of a theory increases the general usefulness of comparative developmental work probably decreases.” (192) The reason this is a defining remark is that Bradley’s work arrives with an example. Her most arresting moment comes in describing the plight of sensitive parents found to be self-incriminating. Page 3 of J. Miller’s Fire and Fury in the Philippines describes a society engrossed with daily reports of a bloodbath involving extrajudicial execution of street life during which time in February 2017 Senator Leila de Lima, a former justice secretary, was arrested and jailed. “The charges against her were condemned as ‘pure fiction’ and politically motivated,” he reports, “and had followed a vicious campaign of harassment.” The question is whether conscription into appearances of self-incrimination aren’t a leveraged alibi for just such a vicious campaign of harassment, and if so, where does it come from and where does it lead? What sort of collision and aftermath would be expected from a terrorist group like Black Lives Matters if even the perception of such an ongoing persecution of black parents is saleable, much less true? Is it true? Bradley’s work would reasonably lead you to think so. Shouldn’t we sympathize with Black Lives Matter then?

Citing Gray, Nybell and Haynes, the latter in a separate work, Bradley reports that “when African American families interfaced with human service providers, some African American parents felt like criminals for giving their children a well deserved spanking. Consequently, (emphasis added) these parents have suffered the humiliation of being investigated by child welfare workers.” (Bradley, pg. 1) The alignments begin to fall into place, albeit attended by what Nesselroade, et al, call “methodological headaches.” The point that Nesselroade and his co-authors seem to argue is that as case specifics come into focus, theoretical utility falls apart, but they also say with some enthusiasm, “cross cultural research is rewarding and fun for many researchers because of its many accidental excitements and benefits.” They quote Mozart’s Impressario, “Opera occasionally loses skirmishes but it invariably wins the battle.” For one reader the risk of fleeing the scene of the impending skirmish is too dear to back off. (I was banned from Seattle Central Community College due to my habit of mind in this way).

The particular answers that Bradley provides about the child-raising conditions developed by black parents is held in place by dread concerning the very real misfortune and violence of child abuse and the parents responsible. Caseworkers can be in avoidance for fear of their own safety. Likewise, in police society it is a well known fact that diplomatic and engaging police are more likely to lose their lives. Donnie Chin, a volunteer safety officer in Chinatown/International District, is the last person you would have expected to be targeted in an ambush, for approachability and complete color-blindness. This was an excellent person. The haunting feeling that doing right is forbidden and auto-genetically contradicted in a studied counter-psychological way is sometimes known as “the Kennedy curse.” However Bradley’s research findings dispel the gloom. Her representation of authoritarian tendencies, for which she says a tendency in black culture is established, amount to bellicose verbal ordering mostly. This isn’t to say that authoritarian tendencies cannot ultimately be very alarming. “Mental and physical health of adults is influenced by contemporaneous psychosocial conditions as well as earlier life psychosocial conditions dating back to childhood.” (B. Shaw, N. Krause, et al., 2004)

Although it is not my purpose to sidestep evaluation of the total findings concerning black parent choices in disciplinary measures, the idea that some fairly lenient parents express guilt leading to investigation by authoritarians wearing the cloak of progressive is too serious to overlook for its Orwellian grip on the plausible fears of parents in need of counseling. Progressive is a dirty word in Duterte’s Philippines. Filipino parents rated progressive and modern child-rearing attitudes low relative to other countries and authoritarian attitudes high, consistent with authoritarian attitudes found among Filipino parents in previous research (De la Cruz et al., 2001; Hoffman, 1988). (source: Lansford, et al, 2011)

Authoritarian outcomes are nothing new and their tactics should concern us. In Europe under Hitler nobody knew what to do. Some families pleaded with their children to flee, others begged their parents to stay. Not everyone who tried to get away did. Walter Benjamin collapsed.

The face they fled may have included the face behind the face. In an avant garde piece that proved too easily adapted by the assassins, Bertolt Brecht’s Mann Ich Mann told the tale of the sheep becoming wolves.

Those Weimar intellectuals who did make it out, particularly in the U.S., this side of Thos. Mann, not all of whom could speak English, ended up isolated and alone, the fate of a very small minority. The awkward condition of very small minorities highlight also their vulnerability. In Duterte’s Philippines such anomaly is meaningless, and yet while closing ranks to protect larger minorities by power bloc creation, groups like Black Lives Matters do precious little to control themselves for the isolated within their reach.

Just as cross-cultural psychology is inebriating without necessarily being accurate and productive, there are uses to conjecture in establishing an inquiry. Obviously senseless or malicious conjecture, at best rhetoric for its own sake, is a waste of time, but when an orthodoxy of presumption is present in long-standing bias, and the anti-intellectual component of a double standard, some passionate interrogation calls for conjecture. Dismissing result of hard labor and inquiry as conjecture is the form of political discourse that renders objective fact meaningless, a clear sign of a Republic’s fall.

Black Lives Matter deny an anti-intellectual component to the double standard they evoke as open mic bullies. The rational is remedial. Cheating has taken place so cheating back is called for and considered leveling the playing field. Saying it isn’t cheating to cheat is disingenuous. The undercurrent of support for remedial double standard in Black Lives Matter is based on the conjecture that bias still has unseen power rendering mutually beneficial norms a masquerade.

To say there is one black psychology is problematic because many black professionals subscribe to psychology proper. They don’t seek remedial double standards only abolition of aggressor prejudice. For the goal of epigenetic adjustment they presume innocence when structural changes are clear and present. This progress took hard work. It becomes reasonable to fear it is endangered when attacks on the mutually beneficial norms become a squeeze play between white power or authoritarianism and black rage, which happens to be a real predicament. For the aggrieved mind with no rational object to provide remedy by prosecuting fairly under norms of due process, no satisfaction can ever make even. It is like to drinking water from a mirage in order to quench your thirst. Targeting individuals to allow announcement of grudge is just a convenience, albeit a popular one.

Tellingly it was a Washington state icon of science fiction who prescribed this black psychology as a necessary transition. In Frank Herbert’s Soul Catcher the black protagonist taking the name Katsuk befriends a white child and finally in songs of love sacrifices his victim to the ancestors. This form of thinking is deeply ingrained in American black subculture and can be found in such notions as Neely Fuller’s compensatory coding and Cornel West’s biological linkage, but one is still left to conjecture on how this came to pass from the pen of the author of White Plague? Conjecture, in other words, can be expected to be productive in such an arrangement.

To lament that black people don’t know this is nonsensical. The fact that many black writers have addressed, some with real courage, that white people have stood with them, is not a sentiment that gains persuasion by rehearsing the names of Richard Wright and Martin Luther King. When it comes to mutually beneficial norms it is only necessary to keep the peace for discourse.

In understanding the situation we face in the jeopardized culture of Trump’s America, it is very revealing to travel abroad into the Philippines for examination of their plight in raising children through some of the awareness provided by Bradley’s text because the parallel narrative we are coming to adjusts specifically to that lens in light of Black Lives Matter. The reason is that there is subterfuge in reports about Duterte inflecting to benefit Black Lives Matter in ways that are very destructive. Neither Hitler’s society nor Duterte, who likes the comparison, consider themselves criminally insane, and the plight of women torn in extreme or endangered circumstances remains the perennial concern with being in tune with their children, exchanging love and giving empowerment to life they’ve borne. However the circumstances are far from perfect, and child-rearing in the Philippines for the poor at the present time means being away and losing touch with your child, often while caring for someone’s else’s child as a live-in domestic (yayas). (de Guzman, 2014). Films made on this theme capture the loss to mother and child alike in dramas that show the talent and humanity of the Filipino people. Not every consumer of film is generous enough to bear with the call to view such movies no matter how edifying testimony about them may be. It is very difficult to escape film’s influence over culture, however, and the Philippines is no exception, having in fact been the scene of America’s first war footage.

It’s not unimportant to notice that I have not yet mentioned the parallel to all this that serves as a primary direction for this note.

The examination of a person concerned for welfare that is faced with unscrupulous interrogation provided endless litanies of mirth for those who knew the object was innocent. For them that wasn’t the point. Legal processes, which can be rare, involving individuals are different than a class action, although corporations represent themselves as individuals. The study of parental corrective in African American families illustrates a problematic case that arises in the discourse of how welfare investigations can shade interpretation. It also illustrates the potential for powerful biases over the awkward minority of innocent people coming under review in counties that more or less couldn’t care less, they let so many guilty people go, what’s one innocent caught under the wheel and worked over by presumption? In Duterte’s Philippines, the anomaly is meaningless. They are killed outright and what of it? Ironically, in the case of Black Lives Matter, the victims of such machinery would rather perpetuate the machinery than see a white life that has been destroyed escape.

The interrogators knew that their object was innocent, that wasn’t the point, they had an investment in the neurological condition that they had inputted and with which they were tampering. For joy sadism, they also had a pimp with a powerful rock album that describes a sex tour punished by castration. The author of the new biography on Duterte is a lawyer for Amnesty International, whose spokesperson is behind the sex tour and castration concept, Peter Gabriel.

To understand some of the savagery of these malicious people in a bedfellow relation with Duterte and Black Lives Matter you would have to come full circle through some of their crimes to understanding unfamiliar concepts like alexytemia, the rare condition of being faced with amnesiac trauma so severe you cannot articulate what few memories you have, being faced with faces you recognize but from whom you are stampeded with horror for unknown reasons due to coma that is being subject to spitballs is professional hardware. They called this fear-reading, they say that any terror is proof of guilt. If you want to know what they did you risk being buried alive in your own vomit. By saying pursuit of what they had done was a form of self-incrimination they labeled pursuit of truth as masochism. When I remembered being kidnapped while hiding in the snow as a frightened little boy, the partnership of Duterte’s friend Trump, to whom he sang a romantic lullaby about being the light of his soul during a state visit, with Amnesty International, answered this convulsive wake up call by saying they had to be sure, so they raped my Korean deaf advocate and had me chemically castrated to the joy of Gabriel’s workshop perversions. Their lawyer, Amanda Harcourt, contacted me.

The ripper abusers in Gabriel’s workshop obsess with their favorite, a man who attacked me in childhood named Kasper, a murderous hun, who would be beloved to Duterte, announcing that he is the Spirit of Lennon as authorized by Warhol. They demanded forgiveness at the point of a gun. The assassins give many grounds to be very, very afraid of them and yet the police system allows them to represent this terror as self-incrimination. If Black Lives Matter, who endorsed this nightmare, doesn’t mean White Lives Don’t, you wouldn’t know it from this dia-rama. The fear reader mindset, which came from the subterranean psychology of the Beatles, which is who Gabriel works for in uniting Amnesty International with Duterte through subtle manipulation of publishing houses loyal the Queen of England, and Franklin Graham, who in his biography made a priest of a contra executioner they called Hitler for “proficiency” by the new name of “Lazarus” when he announced he was “back from the dead,” is a family relationship for Gabriel, who married the Queen’s Lord Secretary’s daughter; the fear reader mindset is a ploy by British politicians to label their victim guilty.

Gabriel and Trump work the race line while hiding the class line, a fact that was obvious with Obama, but it has a lot of collegiate support and approval, something of a pre-operational state of mental and moral development when it comes to University of Washington. Emblematic of the AIDS attack to which their victim bears witness, is promotion of diversity. This fact is the ultimate scrimmage in the danger of a so-called story, that announces its agency as the new harp of Burma.

Afterword:

Weimar refugees may genuinely have hated Hitler, but the way the phrase, "Good German" entered the lexicon of historians is that in World War Two many Germans, after the truth about the Holocaust came out, professed not to realize it was happening. The idea was meant to be sarcastic towards them, since Hitler had been so upfront that the Abraham Lincoln Brigade (Langston Hughes, Ernest Hemingway and company) went straight to Spain in the mid-30's, being called PAF for premature anti-fascists by the American military. My father, a human rights author, lived through the Pacific War on same ship as George Bush.

It is a lot easier to hide the AIDS attack under genuine belief that people didn't know. All of my research confirms that British Acid Rock were in on it, including the monsters from Ono and Warhol. For very good reasons, I suspect that Pentagon Disney staged the assassination of Lennon and facilitated his getaway. To support this, if you disagree, answer two questions:

Why did FEMA attorneys for Disney have me in D.C. on the night before Reagan claims he was shot, coming out onto the lawn to wave to me? With their brochure reading, "there's no such thing as objective reality only what they jury believes." The SS on duty was named Unrue.

Why did this woman, in satanism and immunology, Diamonda Galas, back in the 70's, have a namesake, Dia of Der Mond, working for the owners of SPIN, also in the 70's, manage to call me on the Japanese anniversary of Pearl Harbor in 1980 when they say Lennon was done in? And then use me to create hysteria about Lennon by which to lead the AIDS establishment through groups like Jericho Project, notice her anthrax achievement: http:/doubleillusionblog.wordpress.com where she is pictured outside the World Trade Center, another innocent symbol they targeted, holding a stiletto.

The people who say I am wrong have their show plan to act offended. For example, I've known some of the Disney operators personally, like Ming Na Wen, for whom TCC's Dr. Cho is a campaigner, as is Rosa Clemente. A movie I was shown by a campus activist group, a tragic clip of black women being raped in captivity by the Southern gentry and the psychopathy of soul murder, was supposed to answer questions about psychology and media. I've known those sorts of drama crews. After the shooting they go to cast parties, dance together and enjoy how much things have changed. In other words, while they are creating images that make low-level black working class women look at those films, identify with the rape victim, then look at me and think he's a white, he's like the rapist, they are enjoying the fruits of change. Those women on the screen work gladly and with reasonable compensation with their friends playact having raped them, and this is central to the psychology of propaganda in media in the AIDS attack.

After I investigated Amnesty International, The Beatles, Society for Human Ecology and Mt. Desert Island where Caspar Weinberger lived, I was told by the Green Party that I was the problem and that the man named Kasper who attacked me should be forgiven as a token of willingness to apologize to Yoko Ono. This is criminally insane to begin with. They tortured me, deafened me, raped my loved one, all but chemically castrated me, have demonstrated obedience from their troops by ordering both murder and suicide incidents, and when I came back to Seattle they greeted me by poisoning me in the mouth with a bacteria that is taking a really long time to treat, shaking off gingivitis has been no fun.

This they say is therapy for the victims. While I do not doubt that being alone in AIDS is very harsh, the way that the quarantine fear and hysteria was orchestrated to blow up as social protest refusing any common sense now plays out as experimental contagion. This criminal assembly, further, told me in 1984, the first digits of my social security number by the way are 1984, that they were unconcerned and unaffected and that the whole was greater than the sum of its parts, all directly from a corporate lawyer for the Beatles.

Further, the risk factor involved in testifying to partial observations is very high due to psychiatric police forces available to Trump. Duterte, who goes by Rody, which is pronounced Rudy, managed to have a Filipino diner in Seattle renamed Ludy’s with the graphic of an inverted J for an L.

So the problem is very certainly that those who released AIDS used trickery to become the leaders of the victim establishment and then engaged in acid rock gaslighting.

Works Cited

De Guzman, Maria Rosario, Yaya: Domestic Care, Workers, the Children they care for and the

children they leave behind, International Perspectives in Psychology, American Psychological Association, doi: 10.1037/ipp0000017.

Lansford, Jennifer & Boorstein, Marc, Parenting Attributions and Attitudes in Diverse Cultural

Contexts, Parenting Science and Practice, 2011. Doi: 10.1080/1525192,2011.585552

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